The most peculiar legacy of the consultations concluded on Wednesday was the approach exhibited by the Prime Minister-designate Mario Draghi during his talks with Italy’s political parties. So peculiar and, above all, unusual when compared to the standards that have always characterized the negotiations to form any Italian executive that it was promptly labelled as the new Draghi “system” or “method”.
In recent days, the former president of the ECB has literally shocked the world of Italian parties with his gentle confidentiality, his attitude to silent work and his ability to listen. Translating into harsh reality what was anticipated by President Mattarella: the next government of the XVIII Legislature (the sixty-seventh since the advent of the Republic) must be able to gather the greatest possible support in Parliament without identifying itself with any political formula.
A real nightmare scenario for Italian parties, which were cut off from negotiations on seats and posts like never before. If the vote on the Rousseau platform has certified the support also of the M5S, guaranteeing Draghi a considerable strategic advantage since no force of his coalition will alone have the numbers to make him fall (and therefore blackmail him in Parliament), at the same time his strict adherence to the dictates of Article 92 of the Constitution certifies that this time the choices on the ministers belonged exclusively to the next tenant of Palazzo Chigi, in agreement with the Head of State.
The Prime Minister-designate is expected this evening at the Quirinale Palace to make known the contents of the now fateful list of ministers after a day of reflection following the consultations’ conclusion. Unsurprisingly, in the meantime, the tension within the political actors has risen dramatically, for once remained completely in the dark despite the boldness exhibited at the beginning of consultations.
There are few certainties on his next moves. One can start from the hypothesis of a double list of ministers, with so-called “technicians” and politicians as well: the first one built by Draghi himself, with his trusted men in key departments for economic recovery (Finance, Economic Development and Infrastructure), the second managed by the Quirinale itself. Always in absolute secrecy. Another feature will be the absence of political leaders, a condition of no small importance for those who hoped to be able to revive their fortunes thanks to an enthusiastic adherence to the new course. With a substantial gender balance, a not secondary detail that contributed greatly to further disrupting the “roses” of names presented by the parties during the consultations.
In addition to the official list of ministers, it will be interesting to discover how the next Prime Minister will manage the communication of an executive destined to be decisive – for better or for worse – for the future of Italy. That is, for how long it will be possible, in the era of totalizing social media and media phenomena, to maintain popular consent exclusively through silent and reserved work. In the name of results and without the usual announcements on the eve of the day. Perhaps to convey the image of a hard-working “center” of government, against a ruling coalition that will strive to get its place under the sun.